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Trump’s Birthright Citizenship Challenge: The Unexpected Liberal Roots

Trump’s Birthright Citizenship Challenge: The Unexpected Liberal Roots

The question⁣ of who qualifies as an ⁣American citizen, notably those born to undocumented immigrants,‌ remains one of the most contentious issues in⁢ U.S. immigration law.While⁢ the 14th AmendmentS⁢ Citizenship Clause appears straightforward ⁣- granting citizenship to ⁣”all persons born or naturalized in the ‌United States” ​- its interpretation has been⁣ fiercely⁤ debated for decades. A pivotal,​ and ultimately controversial,⁣ challenge to the‍ long-held understanding of this clause ⁣emerged in ‍the early 2000s ‍with the publication of “Citizenship ⁣Without Consent,”‍ a book by legal scholars Peter Schuck ⁢and Rogers Smith. Thier work ignited a firestorm ⁢within​ the legal community, prompting⁣ a re-examination⁢ of the historical context⁢ and original intent behind ‍the 14th Amendment. ⁢this article delves into‍ the core arguments presented by Schuck ⁢and Smith, the robust criticisms leveled against their interpretation, and ⁢the broader historical landscape that shaped the Citizenship Clause, ⁤offering a‌ comprehensive analysis of this enduring ⁤legal ​debate.

Challenging⁤ the⁢ Conventional ⁣Wisdom:⁤ Schuck and Smith’s Argument

Schuck and Smith’s central contention was that the phrase “subject to ⁤the jurisdiction” within the 14th Amendment carried a meaning far beyond the ​simple ⁤fact​ of birth within U.S. territory.⁢ They ⁣argued it implied a reciprocal ‍relationship -⁤ a commitment of allegiance to the United States and ⁢ intentional acceptance by ‍the goverment. ​This​ wasn’t merely​ about physical presence; ⁣it was about a voluntary compact.

Their reasoning stemmed ‍from the historical​ context. ‌⁢ Illegal immigration, as we understand it⁣ today, was virtually nonexistent ‌in 1868 when the 14th Amendment ‍was ratified. ⁢ Therefore, they⁣ posited, the framers couldn’t have envisioned extending ⁢citizenship‍ to children born to individuals⁢ who had⁢ entered ‍the country⁤ “without consent.” Moreover, they believed existing Supreme Court precedent, specifically U.S. v.Wong Kim ‌Ark ‍ (1898), which affirmed birthright citizenship for a child of legal Chinese immigrants, didn’t address the scenario of undocumented⁣ parents.​

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Schuck and ⁤Smith proposed that congress⁣ possessed the authority to⁢ limit ⁤birthright citizenship to the ‌children of U.S. citizens ​and ⁣lawful permanent residents.They acknowledged this was‌ a⁢ novel idea ⁤- “has to⁣ our knowledge⁤ never been seriously considered” ‌- ​but‍ believed it was ​legally defensible. Smith himself clarified that he wasn’t⁤ advocating for ​such a ⁣change, only asserting its potential legality. The intention, he‍ stated, was to be “provocative,” to force ⁤a re-evaluation ⁢of a⁢ seemingly settled legal question.

A ​Storm ⁢of Criticism: Why the Legal Community Rejected Their Thesis

The ​response from ⁤Schuck and Smith’s ‍peers was ​overwhelmingly negative.Leading immigration scholars characterized their arguments as​ “seriously flawed,” “simply puzzling,” and even ⁢”morally incoherent.” The established legal consensus, built over decades, held firm. ‌

Critics pointed out a essential flaw in their reasoning: undocumented immigrants are subject​ to U.S. law. They are bound by the ⁢legal system, pay taxes ​(often through payroll deductions and sales taxes), and are ⁣subject to prosecution for crimes. The argument⁤ that they exist outside the “jurisdiction” of the United⁤ States was​ demonstrably false.

Furthermore, scholars ‌like Gerald Neuman of Harvard⁣ Law ‌School highlighted the historical inaccuracies within the‍ book. The authors’‍ claim that immigration was unregulated prior to the 14th Amendment ​was inaccurate. States had⁢ already implemented policies⁢ restricting entry based on⁤ economic ⁤status (“paupers” and the “infirm”) and ‌racial prejudice ​(explicitly‌ barring free Black people). Even at the federal level, the⁤ 1803‍ law prohibiting⁣ the importation of “people of color” demonstrated a⁣ clear attempt to‌ control‍ immigration ⁢based on race.

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The Intent of the Framers: A Response to Dred Scott and a Broad Definition of Citizenship

The debate also centered on the framers’ intent. The 14th Amendment wasn’t drafted in ⁢a vacuum. It ⁣was a direct response to the disastrous Dred Scott v. Sandford ‌(1857) decision, which infamously declared that ​individuals of african descent,‌ whether enslaved ⁤or free,⁢ could not be citizens of the United States.

The⁢ amendment’s authors deliberately‌ sought to create a⁤ robust and unambiguous definition⁢ of citizenship that ⁢would be ​impervious to judicial challenges.⁢ ⁤They understood ⁤that⁤ the​ issue ⁤of ⁣citizenship was deeply intertwined with the contentious ‌debate over slavery and sought to establish a ‍clear, inclusive⁢ standard. ‌

This ‍is vividly ⁣illustrated by the debates surrounding‍ the amendment’s ratification. Senator Edgar Cowan of Pennsylvania expressed‍ fears of‌ an influx of “gypsies” and ⁣”the Mongol race,” questioning whether ⁢the children‌ of ⁤Chinese immigrants should be considered ⁤citizens. Senator John

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